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Peter Grindrod's avatar

The National Risk Register (NRR) is not fit for the purpose being proposed. It is essentially a laundry list of discrete risks and emergency scenarios. It focuses on acute, emergent crises but pays insufficient attention to chronic, long-term, systemic risks. More fundamentally, it does not take a systems view.

The NRR largely treats separate risks as separate entities. It does not adequately consider cascading effects across interconnected systems, nor does it account for the fact that risks can amplify, reinforce, or even mitigate one another. For example, major public disorder triggered by a single catalytic event—such as a high-profile violent crime away from London committed by a rogue immigrant—may itself catalyse a cascade and increase vulnerability to a wide range of other risks through both the disorder and the public-sector response to it.

More seriously still, we know that complex systems can exhibit spontaneous instabilities that generate emergent catastrophic risks without any obvious single trigger. It is called a loss of stability as underlying parameters move slowly (even imperceptibly). Equally important is the phenomenon of hysteresis, a concept that many politicians and media commentators seem ignorant of, or unwilling to consider. Once a system has been displaced from its previous equilibrium, simply removing the original trigger does not guarantee a return to the status quo. Recovery is neither automatic nor rapid. National systems can be forced onto entirely new trajectories from which return may be difficult or impossible in the short or medium term.

For a fuller discussion, see:

https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-National-Risk-Register-2023%3A-some-reasoned-Grindrod-Bowman/4162a6c05fce9619236e65e78fb0389c09190e20

Or, more recently:

https://www.mdpi.com/3042-6448/2/2/10

The insight highlighted by Professor Serious is both a new threat and a new opportunity.

Digital technologies have dynamically interconnected almost everything, with everything mediated by automated embedded connections, public behaviour, and social media.

As a consequence, the traditional silo-based approach to risk management—an approach embedded within the NRR largely for the purpose of allocating response leadership—has become even more inadequate and inappropriate. Yet the same connectivity also creates new opportunities for intervention.

One of the central challenges is that scientific and technical issues can no longer be separated from wider social and political processes. Social networks, political narratives, conspiracy theories, misinformation, international actors, and algorithmically driven communication systems are now integral components of the risk environment itself. The extreme right is highly networked internationally (see the Springer paper below), but the phenomenon is much broader than any one political movement.

We have already seen UK governments responding to pressure originating outside the country—for example, interventions from J.D. Vance (recently on two-tier policing), or Elon Musk's role in forcing a reversal of the Government's initial resistance to a national inquiry into child grooming gangs (for fear of highlighting the cultural and ethnic background of perpetrators). Whether one agrees with these interventions is beside the point. I don't. The point is, though, that such influences now exist and have become structurally significant.

They are amplified by the prosumer phenomenon underpinning news, opinion, and communications on the internet. The Government is always behind the curve. I severely doubt that, in any future COVID-style emergency, the public would be so compliant with lockdowns, school closures, or business bailouts after Hallett.

Poor framing of fundamental problems creates a vacuum into which external commentators can step. When governments fail to establish a coherent narrative, others will do so for them.

Indeed, the Prime Minister's succession of policy reversals—fifteen U-turns in fifteen months—suggests a striking absence of any strategic grip (who knew?). In such circumstances, digital interconnectivity becomes a threat if leaders, domain owners, and policymakers remain trapped within a silo mentality.

Conversely, digital connectivity is also an opportunity.

Government could adopt a systems perspective, reframe its understanding of risk (both emergencies and chronic risks), and take a more active role in shaping digital civic discourse. This is a recognition that governance within the digital era requires active and open engagement with the environments in which public opinion, social cohesion, and political legitimacy are now formed.

Unfortunately, traditional institutions that once mediated public understanding have lost much of their authority and integrity (they are often blind or in denial). The BBC's fact-checking operations, for example, no longer command any trust (post-Panorama), while the broader information ecosystem is increasingly fragmented.

The question, therefore, is how to stimulate and respond to a genuinely national conversation among citizens who can vote but who are no longer effectively represented, informed, or served by the dominant digital media and communications platforms. The response is important: this is not just more consultation, soundings, or focus groups to be selectively quoted from and patronised. It is to recognise that this is where the action actually is. It is not in the technical, economic, or government spheres alone. Decisions can be emotionally driven and not amenable to rational thinking or common sense. When the herd moves, it moves.

What is required is the emergence of a novel national digital emergency capability: a means of coordinating coherent, cross-government responses to multi-causal, interconnected, and potentially catastrophic events. We need to be on the front foot, not going back to every ball bowled and then finding ourselves stranded LBW.

Such a capability would recognise that modern crises rarely respect departmental or silo boundaries and that effective intervention increasingly depends upon understanding the dynamics of digitally connected systems.

The need for such a capability is becoming urgent. It should be developed as soon as possible.

José's avatar
1hEdited

Specifically in the UK, wouldn’t one of the problems be that there isn’t yet a recognised and trusted digital identity? What happened to the government’s announced commitment to a digital ID?

As usual it’s not just a technology problem!

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